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The government is largely powerless to keep people from returning, though Prime Minister Max Bellerive protested this week that Port-au-Prince cannot withstand another influx of people

Haitian and international officials had hoped to use the devastation of Port-au-Prince – a densely packed sprawl of winding roads and ramshackle slums that is home to a third of Haiti’s 9 million people – to build an improved capital and decentralize the country.

An estimated 500,000 people fled to the countryside in the days after the quake, many on buses paid for 부천 마사지 by the government to move quake survivors away from the heart of the destruction. Hundreds of thousands more are camped atop the rubble of their homes, or packed into makeshift camps.

Haiti Earthquake – Latest CoverageHaiti Quake: How You Can Help

Now some of those who fled are beginning to return after enduring the rural misery that drove them to Port-au-Prince in the first place.

« I didn’t like it there, » said Marie Marthe Juste, selling fried dough on the streets of the capital’s Petionville suburb after returning from La Boule, in the mountains 20 miles to the north.

« My friends help me down here. Up there, I just sat around all day. At least here I can sell things to make a little money, » she said, hobbling on crutches because she injured her ankle in the quake.

The government is largely powerless to keep people from returning, though Prime Minister Max Bellerive protested this week that Port-au-Prince cannot withstand another influx of people.

« It’s impossible for these people to come back before the capital is reconstructed, » he said.

The idea was to use the quake as an opportunity to fix some of Haiti’s long-standing problems.

President Rene Preval’s « Operation Demolition, » an ambitious plan to clear the rubble, includes provisions to remove people living in unstable buildings by force, according to Aby Brun, an architect and member of the government’s reconstruction team.

« We will destroy in an orderly and secure manner, » Brun said.

A major part of that reconstruction plan is encouraging Haitians to move away from the capital, providing jobs and basic services in other cities, towns and villages.

« We want to create opportunities for them as well in the second cities, » said the U.S. Agency for International Development’s No. 2 official, Dr. Anthony Chan.

But Haitians are already streaming back to their shattered capital.

« This has been my home, » said Alberto Shoute, 62, who returned to his flattened concrete house after eight days in the southern town of Jeremie. « Most people are from here and they didn’t want to stay with people they barely knew. More are planning to come back soon. »

Alfredo Stein, of the University of Manchester’s Global Urban Research Centre, said planners must assume people will return – and must work closely with them to rebuild. Rather than thinking people are in the way, planners must consider their return to be an opportunity to fix not just the bricks and mortar but Haiti’s social fabric, he said.

Haiti plans to build camps with sanitation outside the city, but Stein said such efforts usually fail.

« You’re going to be constructing ghettos that are far away from where people will need to restore their economic lives, » Stein said. « Experiences in other parts of the world show that after disasters, when people are resettled far away from where they were living, (they) turned out to be very complicated places where there is a lot of crime. »

Lawrence Vale, an urban design and planning professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, compared Port-au-Prince to « the near-continual rebuilding that occurs in Bangladesh after floods and storms … since this is a place that regularly endures large losses of life, and continues to rebuild at high densities. »

In Port-au-Prince, the U.N. says there are a half-million people in 315 encampments, most without sanitation. Schools are closed – or gone. There’s enough rubble to fill five football stadiums the size of New Orleans’ Superdome, and more than 1 million people need to be provided with food and water.

But if the government has a plan to rebuild, Bellerive did not reveal it – and no one knows when, or to what extent a new capital will rise.

Former President Bill Clinton says reconstruction « will be measured in months and even years. » He was visiting Haiti on Friday as a U.N. special envoy.

While the government says it will build suburban camps, the International Organization for Migration is trying a different tactic: Handing out tarpaulins, tools and basic building materials so people can erect simple shelters where they are.

« People need to be where their support networks are, » said spokesman Mark Turner. Otherwise, he said, « They will be dependent on aid for a very long time. »

Port-au-Prince has long been a powerful magnet for people throughout Haiti. It generates about 60 percent of the country’s gross domestic product.

« In Haiti, things are not easy, so you go where you find the opportunity, » said 23-year-old Ebed Jacques, a law student who left the capital after the earthquake and has returned – for now – to his native St. Marc, a bustling fishing town 70 miles north of the capital. « The jobs are in Port-au-Prince and the schools are in Port-au-Prince, so that’s where you go. »

And despite Haitian and international efforts, opportunities remain few and far between in the countryside.

Most refugees from the capital are in northern Haiti’s Artibonite Valley, a starkly desolate region of rice fields and deforested mountains the color of cigarette ash.

The influx has strained small towns with few schools and few jobs beyond subsistence farming. It inflated prices for sugar, rice and other basics, and a lack of rain could hurt upcoming harvests in the region, which is Haiti’s breadbasket.

In Gros Morne, a town of unpaved streets at the valley’s northern edge, Ann Rose Solitaire, 36, is living with eight relatives crowded into a simple shack with a corrugated metal roof. She sent her mechanic husband back to Port-au-Prince, 100 miles to the southeast, and will probably join him soon.

« I’m here because I have nowhere else to go. But I don’t want to stay, » Solitaire said. « There’s no way to support my family. »

How The Chinese Avoid The Greate Firewall To View Syfy.com

This year Chinese govt deepened a attack on virtual private networks (VPNs)-specific tools that assist internet users within the mainland access the open, uncensored internet. While not a blanket ban, the new restrictions are transferring the services out of their legal grey area and additionally toward a black one. In July alone, a very common made-in-China VPN immediately discontinued operations, Apple wiped out a large number of VPN mobile apps from its China-facing iphone app store, and some international hotels halted supplying VPN services in their in-house wireless internet.

Nevertheless the authorities was hitting VPN application ahead of the latest push. Since president Xi Jinping took office in 2012, activating a VPN in China has changed into a frequent head pain – speeds are poor, and online connectivity commonly lapses. Mainly before main governmental events (like this year’s upcoming party congress in Oct), it’s quite normal for connections to drop promptly, or not even form at all.

In response to such concerns, Chinese tech-savvy computer programmers have already been using a different, lesser-known application to access the open world-wide-web. It is called Shadowsocks, and it’s an open-source proxy built for the precise goal of jumping Chinese Great Firewall. While the government has made efforts to curtail its distribution, it is likely to keep difficult to curb.

How’s Shadowsocks not the same as a VPN?

To be aware of how Shadowsocks is effective, we will have to get a bit into the cyberweeds. Shadowsocks is based on a technique referred to as proxying. If you want to find more info in regards to shadowsocks vps (josefabegin4224.webgarden.at) have a look at the web site. Proxying grew sought after in China during the beginning of the GFW – before it was truly « great. » In this setup, before connecting to the wider internet, you first connect to a computer instead of your own. This other computer is termed a « proxy server. » If you use a proxy, all of your traffic is directed first through the proxy server, which could be located virtually any place. So even when you are in China, your proxy server in Australia can freely communicate with Google, Facebook, etc.

Nevertheless, the GFW has since grown more powerful. These days, in case you have a proxy server in Australia, the Great Firewall can easily recognize and hinder traffic it doesn’t like from that server. It still knows you’re asking for packets from Google-you’re simply using a bit of an odd route for it. That’s where Shadowsocks comes in. It builds an encrypted connection between the Shadowsocks client on your local computer and the one running on your proxy server, employing an open-source internet protocol referred to SOCKS5.

How is this distinct from a VPN? VPNs also do the job by re-routing and encrypting data. Butmany people who utilize them in China use one of a few big providers. That makes it easier for the authorities to detect those service providers and then stop traffic from them. And VPNs usually count on one of a few common internet protocols, which explain to computers the way to talk with one another over the internet. Chinese censors have been able to use machine learning to find out « fingerprints » that discover traffic from VPNs using these protocols. These ways tend not to succeed so well on Shadowsocks, as it is a much less centralized system.

Every Shadowsocks user creates his own proxy connection, and as a result each one looks a bit distinct from the outside. As a result, distinguishing this traffic is more complex for the Great Firewall-to put it differently, through Shadowsocks, it is relatively tough for the firewall to recognize traffic driving to an innocuous music video or a economic news article from traffic visiting Google or some other site blacklisted in China.

Leo Weese, a Hong Kong-based privacy promoter, likens VPNs to a pro freight forwarder, and Shadowsocks to having a package mailed to a buddy who then re-addresses the item to the real intended receiver before putting it back in the mail. The first way is much more financially rewarding as a company, but much easier for government to recognize and turn off. The latter is makeshift, but more unobtrusive.

Also, tech-savvy Shadowsocks users quite often vary their configurations, which makes it even tougher for the GFW to recognize them.

« People employ VPNs to set up inter-company links, to set up a safe network. It was not specifically for the circumvention of censorship, » says Larry Salibra, a Hong Kong-based privacy supporter. With Shadowsocks, he adds, « Anyone can certainly set up it to look like their own thing. Because of this everybody’s not using the same protocol. »

Calling all of the coders

In cases where you happen to be a luddite, you might probably have trouble configuring Shadowsocks. One widespread way to utilize it calls for renting out a virtual private server (VPS) positioned beyond China and able of using Shadowsocks. Then users must log in to the server employing their computer’s terminal, and install the Shadowsocks code. Following, employing a Shadowsocks client software package (there are many, both paid and free), users key in the server Internet protocol address and password and access the server. And then, they are able to search the internet readily.

Shadowsocks is often tough to deploy since it was initially a for-coders, by-coders program. The software initially reached the general public in the year 2012 thru Github, when a coder using the pseudonym « Clowwindy » posted it to the code repository. Word-of-mouth pass on among other Chinese coders, and on Twitter, which has long been a platform for anti-firewall Chinese developers. A community created all around Shadowsocks. Staff members at some of the world’s greatest technology businesses-both Chinese and international-work with each other in their sparetime to look after the software’s code. Coders have developed third-party mobile apps to run it, each touting a range of customized capabilities.

« Shadowsocks is an impressive invention…- Until now, you will find still no evidence that it can be recognized and get ceased by the Great Firewall. »

One particular engineer is the inventor powering Potatso, a Shadowsocks client for The apple company iOS. Situated in Suzhou, China and employed to work at a United-Statesbased software program business, he got bothered at the firewall’s block on Google and Github (the 2nd is blocked erratically), each of which he counted on to code for job. He designed Potatso during nights and weekends out of frustration with other Shadowsocks clients, and finally put it in the app store.

« Shadowsocks is a great invention, » he says, requiring to maintain unknown. « Until now, there’s still no proof that it can be identified and get discontinued by the GFW. »

Shadowsocks most likely are not the « ideal weapon » to eliminate the GFW completely. But it’ll possibly reside after dark for a long time.

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Andorre est un état européen

Andorre est un état européen situé au cœur des Pyrénées, entre la France (Ariège, Pyrénées-Orientales) et l’Espagne (Catalogne). La frontière avec la France a une longueur de 37 km et avec l’Espagne – 64 km. Andorre couvre une superficie de 468 km2. La population du pays est 67.159 habitants. C’est le pays le plus montagneux d’Europe. La capitale du pays, Andorre-la-vieille, compte 20.724 habitants. Andorre est un pays de haute montagne. Sur son territoire, il y a 65 sommets d’une hauteur de plus de 2.000 M.
Le climat de la Principauté d’Andorre est sain, doux, avec beaucoup de journées ensoleillées par an. L’emplacement géographique de l’Andorre et la diversité du paysage déterminent en grande partie la richesse de sa flore et de sa faune. On y trouve des cerfs, des sangliers, des Martres, des bites noires, des perdrix blanches et de la truite sauvage. La flore de la Principauté compte plus de 1.150 espèces.
Les preuves les plus anciennes du séjour de l’homme sur le territoire Andorran remontent à la fin de la Dernière période glaciaire. Cependant, les légendes attribuent à Charles le Grand l’éducation d’Andorre en tant qu’état en 805 en reconnaissance des mérites des habitants de ce territoire dans la lutte contre les Sarrasins. La première mention d’Andorre est enregistrée dans les documents de l’évêque d’Urgell en 839g, où les parcelles paroissiales d’Andorre sont définies comme les possessions des Comtes d’Urgell.
À partir du Xie siècle, l’autorité des évêques d’Urgell se renforce progressivement et, à la fin de 1133, l’Andorre devient de fait la possession des éclésias. Depuis le XIIIe siècle commence une série sans fin de querelles et de querelles sur qui appartient à juste titre l’Andorre: les évêques d’Urgell ou les Princes de Foix. En 1278, les décisions de justice, appelées Pariatges, ont finalement été signées par des représentants des deux parties, l’évêque d’Urgell, pierre d’Urgell et le Prince de Foix, Roger Bernat III, reconnaissant la possession et la gestion communes d’Andorre. Ainsi naquit la Principauté d’Andorre.
Aujourd’hui, l’Andorre continue d’être une Principauté gérée conjointement par l’évêque d’Urgell et le Président De la République française sur la base de l’égalité totale et de la participation personnelle. Lorsque le Prince de Foix devint roi de France, sous Henri IV, la possession d’Andorre passa complètement à la France. Puis, après la Révolution Française, à la demande des habitants d’Andorre eux-mêmes, Napoléon rétablit l’ancien ordre. Depuis le 19ème siècle, le nouveau président de la République exerce le droit de propriété de la France. Le document Pariatges a défini la contribution économique, juridique et militaire de chaque partie. Depuis lors, et jusqu’en 1993, ce document a été la loi fondamentale de l’état d’Andorre. Cependant, l’organisation politique de la Principauté n’a pas échappé à certains changements au XIIIe siècle.
Dîner en Andorre est un vrai régal, où que vous soyez: dans un restaurant de montagne typique ou dans un restaurant international de luxe. De nombreux restaurants proposent une cuisine locale. Profitez de cette offre, ne le regretterez pas!
Les origines de la cuisine locale sont ancrées dans le mode de vie même des habitants de ces vallées montagneuses. La base de leur économie a longtemps été l’élevage bovin (moutons, vaches, porcs). Par conséquent, les principaux éléments ont toujours été la viande, le lait et le fromage. De là vient le célèbre fromage tupi, qui est préparé dans des récipients en argile spéciaux avec l’ajout d’ail et de Moonshine.
Le plat de légumes le plus typique est trinxat, préparé à partir de chou vert et de pommes de terre avec des morceaux de saindoux. Servez-le avec du hareng salé et du piment. En hiver, lorsque les porcs sont martelés, un grand nombre de saucisses variées et uniques apparaissent: donja, bringuera, bull, bisbe, llonganissa, https://all-andorra.com/fr/le-gouvernement-andorran-approuve-les-prix-minimum-de-tabac/ botifarra, ainsi que du jambon pour les torreznos typiques au miel. Aussi un plat typique est la viande de sanglier et de lièvre, cuit dans une sauce au vin avec du chocolat Ajouté. Truite rôtie au jambon, cocas et salades à la chicorée.

It is not clear exactly what information other than location that law enforcement gleaned from its use of a Stingray targeting Cohen

The FBI wanted Michael Cohen’s cellphones, but knew they couldn’t be found at his home. The problem: Cohen and his family had moved into a hotel while renovating their apartment.

The solution, on April 8, 2018, was to use a controversial surveillance technology to determine his exact location: Room 1728 at the Loews Regency Hotel.

An FBI special agent wrote in an affidavit unsealed Tuesday that federal agents « sought and obtained authority to employ an electronic technique, commonly known as ‘triggerfish,’ to determine the locations » of Cohen’s two iPhones.

Federal agents later obtained a warrant to retrieve the phones from the room. A court-ordered Special Master later determined that federal agents could review the vast majority of nearly 300,000 files on the two phones, as well as an iPad obtained in the search.

Triggerfish devices — often referred to as Stingrays — mimic cellphone towers, allowing them to pinpoint a phone’s location, sometimes even before it makes a call or text.

It is not clear exactly what information other than location that law enforcement gleaned from its use of a Stingray targeting Cohen. The devices also capable of collecting the calls, text messages and even the emails sent to and from phones.

And because they act as cell towers, they don’t just collect information from the targets of investigations. Stingrays are capable of taking in information from entire neighborhoods, which is why civil liberties groups have for years objected to their use.

The devices are made by defense contractor Harris Corporation, and its patents indicate Stingrays and similar devices have been used for about two decades, though law enforcement rarely acknowledges their use.

The government has even withdrawn charges against criminal defendants rather than turning over information to defense teams about the Stingray, according to a 2017 policy analysis by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank.

As a result, it’s not clear just how widespread use of the devices is. In a November 2018 report, the ACLU cataloged Stingray use by 75 agencies in 27 states and 대구 마사지 the District of Columbia, but that list is almost certainly incomplete. The ACLU found 14 federal agencies that use the devices, but does not currently include one identified by CBS News: the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.

In response to a 2016 Freedom of Information Act request filed by CBS News, the agency wrote it could not « disclose techniques and procedures for law enforcement investigation and prosecutions. »

Guevarra offered congratulations to « our president, Laura Chinchilla. » Arias’ economic policies brought Costa Rica into the Central American Free Trade Agreement with the United States and initiated trade relations with China after a 63-year association with Taiwan

Laura Chinchilla had 47 percent of the votes after a quarter of the ballots were counted. The closest contender, Otton Solis of the Citizens Action Party, had 23 percent. He and the other main rival quickly conceded defeat.

Chinchilla, a protege of the current president, Nobel Peace Prize winner Oscar Arias, 부산 안마 campaigned on a promise to continue the government’s free market economic policies.

Chinchilla, who served as vice president under Arias, needed 40 percent of the vote to avoid an April run-off.

Solis barely lost the presidential election to Arias in 2006, but many opposition voters went over to tax-bashing Libertarian candidate Otto Guevarra, who had just under 22 percent of the votes.

Solis congratulated Chinchilla on her apparent victory. « She is going to be the next president of Costa Rica, » he told supporters Sunday night. Guevarra offered congratulations to « our president, Laura Chinchilla. »

Arias’ economic policies brought Costa Rica into the Central American Free Trade Agreement with the United States and initiated trade relations with China after a 63-year association with Taiwan.

Critics of the government argued that Arias’ administration catered to big developers to boost the economy at the cost of the nation’s fragile ecosystems.

Both Solis and Guevarra portrayed Arias’ centrist National Liberation Party as stagnant and ridden with old-school Latin American cronyism.

But most Costa Ricans appeared reluctant to shake up the status quo in a country with relatively high salaries, the longest life expectancy in Latin America, a thriving ecotourism industry and near-universal literacy.

Chinchilla, a 50-year-old mother and a social conservative who opposes abortion and gay marriage, appealed both to Costa Ricans seeking a fresh face in politics and those reluctant to risk the unknown.

As a female president, she would follow an increasingly common trend in many Latin American countries: Nicaragua, Panama, Chile and Argentina have all elected women as presidents.

Even voters on the margins of society backed Chinchilla.

Heizel Arias, a 24-year-old single mother who voted at a prison where she is serving an eight-year sentence for trying to smuggle drugs into a jail, said she cast her vote for Chinchilla.

« I voted for Laura Chinchilla because she has promised to fight for women, » Arias said. « She was the only one who visited us and told us her plans and I believe in her. »

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